Resettlement is a complex and layered process that compels refugee and immigrant families to navigate profound losses while embracing opportunities for growth and transformation. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the U.S. immigrant population reached 47.8 million in 2023 representing 14.3% of the population (Batalova, 2025). These immigration trends have far-reaching implications for all social systems, and call for greater attention to the sectors that most directly interface with families, such as early childhood education, health care, and social services. Refugee and immigrant families experience delays in accessing social services (Doshi et al., 2020), but evidence-based home visiting programs mitigate these delays by linking families to community care and improving parental self-efficacy (Lewy & Casau, 2021).

This study examines the complexity of adjustment for resettled refugee and immigrant families with young children aged 0–3 years. Using qualitative interviews with resettled parents (n = 16) from home visiting programs in the Midwest and thematic analysis, the study explores the needs of resettled families with young children and the role of home visiting in supporting those needs. The study aims to examine how early childhood home visiting programs serve as a bridge for resettled families, promoting opportunities for reimagined futures and parenting approaches during the adjustment process while examining shifts in parental roles and both the benefits and challenges of redefined family dynamics in the United States.

Background

Resettlement is a multi-dimensional process that deeply affects parenting and family life (Gillespie et al., 2022; Masten & Narayan, 2012). For resettled families with young children, the early years represent a critical period when parenting beliefs and practices are renegotiated in response to new cultural, social, and structural contexts (Deng & Marlowe, 2013). Resettled families must adapt to unfamiliar systems, build new support networks, and reimagine parenting approaches that reflect continuity and change (Betancourt et al., 2015; Yohani et al., 2019). Understanding these processes is essential for shaping responsive services and policies that promote equity and thriving for refugee and immigrant families during early childhood and beyond (Gillespie et al., 2022; Yoshikawa et al., 2016).

Reimagined Parenting as a Developmental Process

Like the resettlement process, parenting is also a multi-dimensional and dynamic process (Parent & Forehand, 2017; Skinner et al., 2005). Parenting behaviors and beliefs are shaped by multiple layers of context, from immediate family relationships to larger social structures and policies that are evolving, everchanging, and relational (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The migration journey for refugees and immigrants further shapes the context of parenting as resettled parents navigate change, loss, and adaptation to novel environments (El-Khani et al., 2016; Stewart et al., 2015), while managing caregiving responsibilities and helping their children navigate new environments (Zaidi et al., 2021). Often, resettled parents negotiate the balance between cultural values and familiar support networks from their home countries with new parenting practices and community structures in their resettlement country (Moinolmolki et al., 2020; Rousou et al., 2025). Resettlement also brings additional stressors to family systems, including structural inequalities (e.g., discrimination, inadequate affordable housing, employment barriers, and prolonged family separation) that increase acculturative stress for all family members (Aichberger et al., 2015; Berry, 1997; Stewart et al., 2015; Westphal et al., 2025).

These resettlement realities can lead to shifts in caregiving practices and the parent-child relationship. For example, employment opportunities may require a shift in traditional parenting roles and responsibilities (Matthiesen, 2019). Parents may experience losing a sense of authority within their families due to language barriers when children adapt to new languages and norms quicker, taking on roles as cultural brokers for the adults (Koh et al., 2013; Rousou et al., 2025; Västhagen et al., 2022). Resettled parents may receive differing recommendations on parenting practices and guidelines (e.g., guidelines on co-sleeping, feeding, and promoting early learning from medical and early childhood professionals) that challenge generational caregiving practices and understandings of child development (Matthiesen, 2019; Rosenberg et al., 2022). Moreover, migration-related trauma and stress can impair the quality of parent-child relationships and the overall parenting experience (Rao et al., 2023; Slim et al., 2018).

For resettled parents with young children (ages 0–3), the early years are particularly formative, and these opportunities and tensions have the potential for longer-term impacts on the developing child. Consequently, emerging scholarship calls for more nuanced understandings of what the authors call reimagined parenting or reimagined families (see Rousseau et al., 2004; Westphal et al., 2025 for parallel concepts) where resettled families can actively blend cultural values and parenting practices of home culture and host culture to authentically reflect this unique period in the family’s resettlement narrative including a sense of purpose and belonging. This perspective challenges deficit-based parenting narratives in resettlement and centers the agency and opportunities for resettled parents to leverage in their new social context.

Study Context

Resettled refugee and immigrant families in the United States face varied and nuanced challenges that can impede their adjustment and integration, including language barriers, unfamiliar systems, social isolation, and the enduring impacts of pre- and post-migration trauma (Betancourt et al., 2015; Hilado et al., 2025; Kirmayer et al., 2011). The present study draws on ecological models of refugee integration (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1994; Wachter et al., 2022) to account for the multi-system nuance. Within this framework, integration involves active participation of families in economic, social, and civic life, alongside the preservation of their cultural identity.

This paper examines how these processes shape parenting, family functioning, and young children’s development in the context of resettlement (Hilado et al., 2025; Park & McHugh, 2014). It draws from several additional complementary frameworks, including resource-based models of adjustment (Ryan et al., 2008) that underscore the importance of protective factors like home visiting programs as a mechanism for promoting resilience by offering parenting support, service navigation, and opportunities for knowledge-sharing. Broader frameworks of immigrant integration (Ager & Strang, 2008) and cultural and psychological adaptation (Betancourt et al., 2015; Berry, 1997) also inform the analysis. Together, these models highlight how resettled families are embedded in nested systems from the household to community to policy level, and how everyday interactions, such as parent-child relationships and connections with home visitors, play a vital role in adjustment and well-being.

Research on the intersection of resettlement, early parenting, and system-level supports remains limited. To help fill this gap, this study draws on qualitative data from home visiting programs serving multi-ethnic, multi-generational refugee and immigrant families in the U.S. Midwest. Two central questions guide the paper: (1) How do home visiting programs support the evolving needs of resettled families with young children? and (2) Which program elements most contribute to their well-being and integration? In doing so, the study centers the lived experiences of resettled families as they parent, adapt, and build new lives in unfamiliar settings.

Method

The present study draws from a larger sequential mixed-methods study examining engagement and retention in home visiting programs serving refugee and immigrant families using the Baby TALK Family Engagement Model (Hilado et al., 2025, under review). The larger study included administrative data (N = 898) and qualitative interviews with program staff and parents (n = 36). The present article reports on a secondary qualitative analysis of parent interviews (n = 16) focused on identifying the needs of resettled and immigrant families with young children, and the features of home visiting that contributed most to family wellbeing and integration. This analysis allowed for deeper examination of the role of home visiting within the broader context of parenting, resettlement, and adjustment in the United States.

Participants

Interviews were collected as part of a larger Midwest home visiting study conducted with staff and parents across five home visiting programs. Programs were selected to reflect variation in geographic setting, program size, and the languages spoken by participating families. Geographic representation included eight programs in urban areas, seven programs in suburban areas, and one rural program site. Program size was categorized based on the number of families served, with small programs defined as those serving fewer than 100 families and large programs defined as those serving 100 or more families. Selection also considered linguistic diversity across sites. The sampled programs collectively served families who spoke several of the most common program languages, including Arabic, Dari, Spanish, and Swahili. All participants were first-generation immigrants to the United States and had small family sizes, with no more than two children; half had one child and half had two children. Responses showed limited variation by program location, program size, family size, or immigration status.

All programs in the sample implemented the same state-approved home visiting curriculum, the Baby TALK Family Engagement Model (Baby TALK, Inc., 2018). The model is designed to be delivered through twice-monthly home visits with pregnant mothers and families with children from birth to three years of age. Based on funder requirements, early childhood home visitors at the study site are required to have at minimum a high school diploma or GED, with many positions increasingly expecting an associate’s or bachelor’s degree in early childhood or a related field. As part of workforce development, home visitors often pursue the Child Development Associate (CDA) credential through professional development opportunities offered by their employing agencies, which includes 120 h of formal training and 480 h of supervised experience focused on supporting families from the prenatal period through age five.

At enrollment, families complete developmental screenings that assess the needs of the child and the broader family context, and standardized screening tools are administered periodically to monitor developmental progress over time. During visits, home visitors share information on early child development, parenting strategies, and provide supportive case management to help families address additional needs that may arise over the course of enrollment. Home visits are guided by the family’s priorities and interests, with a central emphasis on strengthening parent–child engagement. Families are typically enrolled for a 12-month service period and may continue receiving services until the child reaches 36 months of age. Sampled programs also made efforts, whenever possible, to match families with home visitors who spoke the family’s home language in order to support communication and cultural responsiveness.

Measures

The research team created a semi-structured interview guide with the goal of understanding the experience of refugee and immigrant families who participated in a home visiting program aimed at promoting healthy parent-child relationships, supporting early child development and connecting families to community resources (Smith & Gibbard, 2011). The interview questions were developed to explore families’ experiences with home visiting services, including how parents understood child development and emotional wellbeing for both children and caregivers within their own cultural contexts. Questions also invited parents to reflect on the kinds of resources that had been most helpful during resettlement and their hopes for their children as they grow up in the United States. The final semi-structured interview guide was comprised of 29 questions and optional follow-up prompts. The guide focused on four key areas organized across five domains: (1) family engagement with home visiting, (2) caregivers’ views on child development and emotional health and the impact of home visiting in these areas, (3) the influence of home visitors on caregiver well-being and access to resources, and (4) cultural beliefs about parenting and child development (See Table 1).

The interview guide was reviewed by home visitors with cultural expertise in working with diverse newcomer families, as well as trained interpreters who regularly support families in resettlement settings. Their feedback helped ensure that the questions were clear, culturally appropriate, and meaningful across language groups. The research team also conducted several practice role-play sessions with interpreters to refine pacing, improve the flow of the interview, and identify areas needing clarification. After the first three parent interviews were completed, the team revisited the guide and incorporated feedback from interpreters and bilingual staff, adding clarifying language and adjusting phrasing where needed. Interviews with the remaining parents were conducted after these revisions were made. The final parent sample included nine Spanish-speaking parents among the sixteen parents interviewed. This distribution mirrors patterns across the participating home visiting programs, where Spanish was the most commonly represented language among enrolled families.

Procedures

In the original study, in-depth interviews (approximately one-hour long for each interview) were conducted remotely via HIPAA-compliant Zoom platforms. In total, five program directors, 15 home visitors, and 16 parents completed interviews (n = 36) were interviewed between May and June of 2024. Interviews were conducted in eight languages; when participants spoke Spanish (n = 8), bilingual members of the study team conducted interviews in Spanish using translated materials. In all other cases (n = 8), the research team hired interpreters who joined the Zoom call and were provided with English materials to reference during the interview.

The interviewers reviewed the Informed Verbal Consent form with all participants. The interview, with recording, proceeded once consent was obtained and pseudonyms were selected. All participants received a $30 gift card for their participation. The original study and secondary analysis were reviewed and approved by the IRB review board at [The University of Chicago]. For the purposes of this secondary analysis, only interview data from parents were utilized.

Data Analysis

In the primary study, interview data were transcribed via Zoom, and checked for accuracy by research assistants and imported to Dedoose Version 9.0.107, a qualitative software program, for analysis. Data were analyzed using grounded theory, an approach that aims to derive new process driven theories in understudied contexts, like implementing early childhood home visitation with refugee families. To facilitate qualitative coding in the primary study, the data coding team generated an initial codebook of a priori parent codes based on the interview questions (Saldaña, 2021). This broad coding approach was meant to capture the full range of themes present in the data, while also allowing for inductive insights to emerge as researchers familiarized themselves with the data. Codes represented major themes of interest such as perceptions of child development, family use of community resources, cultural beliefs about parenting, perceived impact of home visiting, and salient lessons learned from home visitors.

In the primary study, four research assistants were trained using the preliminary codebook. They independently coded a subset of six transcripts each using Dedoose, and inter-rater reliability was assessed using Cohen’s kappa (1960), with all coders reaching satisfactory agreement (k > 0.81; Landis & Koch, 1977). Differences in coding were discussed until agreement was reached, resulting in a refined coding framework that was then applied to the full dataset. Coding was reviewed by a master coder (R.K. blinded initials) regularly, and the consensus was achieved iteratively through team discussion. Then, theoretical coding was used to organize themes and the relationship among themes to develop a grounded theory. This description provides a broad overview of the analytic procedures used in the parent study; however, these procedures are not the primary focus of the analyses reported in the present manuscript.

Secondary qualitative analyses allow further elaboration of data from a parent study that appear important but were not a primary focus of the parent analysis (Ruggiano & Perry, 2019). In addition, secondary analysis of qualitative data is especially well suited for interview data from hard-to-reach populations (Andrews et al., 2012), such as multilingual, resettled and immigrant families. This is in part because primary data collection with these groups can be logistically and ethically challenging, making it important to fully leverage and extend the insights gained from existing interviews. In the present context, the primary qualitative analysis sought to understand the factors that kept families engaged in home visiting programs.

The secondary analysis used thematic analysis to allow for both deductive (e.g., referencing of parent codebook) and inductive processes (e.g., re-familiarization with interview text) to capture patterned experiences drawn from qualitative data such as interview transcripts (Braun & Clark, 2022). Analyses were conducted by three researchers with methodological expertise in qualitative analysis—a licensed clinical psychologist with content expertise in mental health and intervention among immigrant families, a master’s level researcher with content expertise in education and program development, and a licensed social worker with content expertise in refugee mental health and early childhood intervention.

The secondary analysis included three steps. First, because the research questions centered around the experiences of resettled and immigrant parents, data were filtered to include only transcripts from parents (Cheong et al., 2023). Second, as recommended by Cheong & colleagues (2023), the coding team re-familiarized themselves with the interview data by reviewing the transcripts, coding content, and memos from the primary qualitative study, led by a researcher who had not collected the data (C.P. blinded inals) to minimize the potential influence of prior engagement with participant data on the analytic process. This second step, focused on the review of transcripts, codes and memos from the larger study, served as the basis for the third step: first-cycle, inductive open coding to identify themes specific to the secondary research question. All team members participated in iterative open coding, memoing, and the selection of exemplar quotes focused on parents’ understanding of what home visiting contributed to their families (see So et al., iti2024 for similar secondary analysis approach).

Using focused axial coding and constant comparison, the team engaged in thematic mapping of 15 initial themes. Team members met on five occasions to revise thematic maps (Braun & Clark, 2022), (e.g., separating school readiness from the broader theme of navigating services, and collapsing the themes, home visitors provide mutual care/supportive witnessing, and home visitors support emotional needs into a single theme: home visitors fill a social void) before concordance was reached and the codebook was finalized. The final thematic map included two overarching themes—focused on the effects of home visiting on parenting and community integration—and six sub-themes, which are presented in the Results section. Trustworthiness and rigor in the analysis were bolstered by adhering to memoing by all coders, maintaining an audit trail, explicit discussion of interview data that surprised researchers, and the involvement of the original investigators in the main outcome and present secondary study (Ruggiano & Perry, 2019).

Results

This secondary qualitative analysis sought to describe the ways in which home visiting programs support the evolving needs of resettled families with young children as well as the specific program elements that were considered most linked to family well-being. Narrative data elucidated the ways in which early childhood home visiting assisted families at various stages of integrating into a new cultural context in the United States. Next, we present two themes and six subthemes based on refugee parent perspectives of Baby TALK, an early childhood home visiting program.

The thematic analysis revealed two themes: Parenting transformation in a new cultural context, and Community integration. Parenting transformation in a new cultural context reflected the process by which home visitors facilitated a reimagined way of parenting for immigrant and refugee parents of young children and was comprised of three subthemes: Home visitors fill a social void for parents, gaining a more expansive view of parenting, and envisioning children’s future. Community integration reflected the process by which families began adapting to life in United States, developing increased self-efficacy as members of their new community and was comprised of three subthemes: Navigating services and daily life, school readiness, and building independence, connections, and belonging.

Parenting Transformation in a New Cultural Context

Home Visitors Fill a Social Void for Parents

Parents described the loss of their social support networks as one of the most difficult aspects of resettlement. In the context of few social connections, many parents expressed deep appreciation for the support home visitors provided in areas of child development and maternal mental health. A parent from Cuba shared:

…And any, any doubt, any problem I have, [my home visitor] always tells me to call her at any time and so on. And that’s how it has been. That’s why I tell you that I’m very grateful to the whole program and to her specifically. Because she has been a great help. Me, being [in the US] alone and not having like nobody, no support, every time I don’t know something or I have any doubts about the baby. I ask her at any time, and she has always helped me. (Cuban Parent of one child, 3007)

Similarly, a parent from Uganda reflected on the emotional challenges of being far from family:

You know it’s challenging [in the US] …Being far away, you being far away from your parents. Yeah, you have friends, but I’m a kind of person who doesn’t, you know, like share a lot. So, it becomes hard… You know, home visit[ors] also talk about [mental health]. Cause earlier I mentioned, they don’t only work with a child. So, at times, yeah, …you tell her about [what] you’re going through. I think she she’s one of the people maybe I’ve like really shared with if I’m having difficulty. (Ugandan parent of two children, 3004)

In the absence of extended family or trusted networks, parents expressed feeling supported by their home visitors, especially as they resettled in a new country where they had no existing social connections. As a Cuban parent of one child (3007) added, “Facing a new country, the fact of being a mother for the first time on my own…I’ve felt a lot of support with the visits.”

Gaining a More Expansive View of Parenting

Parents shared that participation in the home visiting program expanded their perspectives on parenting, offering new ways to understand child behavior, discipline, and caregiving roles. For some, this involved rethinking culturally embedded expectations. A parent from Mexico reflected:

In my culture they expect…a child who knows how to behave, who is obedient, who doesn’t throw tantrums…they are not so permissive with children when it comes to emotions… But I understand that my child is learning and my child is learning to self-regulate and I’m the person that has to help him. And sometimes I can’t even regulate myself. So, how can I demand my child to self-regulate? (Mexican parent of two children, 3005)

Others described shifts in family roles, particularly around caregiving and father involvement. A parent from Iraq with one child (3011) explained:

Back home, everything falls on women. The woman works and raises children, etc. A father’s role is only to work outside the house. But life is about cooperation. Dads should help and cooperate in raising their children… I always tell [their dad]. ‘I’m saving you a turn with them’… I tell him it is true that as a mother, my role is to raise the children, but you also have a significant role. He has to help me with the kids. He plays with them. (Iraqi parent, 3011)

Parents acknowledged cross-cultural differences in approaches to parenting. A Guatemalan parent of one child (3003) commented that child development lessons “[were] a little different, there is hardly anything similar… it is a little different my culture and the one here.” These reflections illustrate how home visiting programs created space for parents to engage with their cultural beliefs critically, adopt new strategies, and reshape their parenting identities in ways that align with both their values and their current context.

Envisioning Children’s Future

Parents remained driven by hopes and aspirations for their children’s future and well-being while adjusting to novel contexts. With their home visitors, parents explored ideas about how to support their children’s physical and emotional health in a new country. One parent from Mexico reflected on this vision:

I want [my children] to be good people too. I don’t want them to always be happy because…the act of going through sad things makes people stronger, so I don’t want their path to be easy. I want them to fall so that they can arrive… I don’t know how to express it, but I want them to stumble so that they become strong. (Mexican parent of two children, 3019)

Similarly, a parent from Iraq emphasized the importance of independence and education:

My wish is that they are able to do anything by themselves without support from me. I want them to rely on themselves even when they are young…. My hope for them is to fulfill their education and understand and know everything. (Iraqi parent of one child, 3011)

Parents also expressed their hope for their children to inherit and embrace their cultural and family values, including religion or faith, language, and a sense of closeness. A parent from Mexico shared:

I want them, as siblings, to love each other because I’m from a big family and my siblings, my parents, they’re my everything. And so, I tell them “Love each other. Take care of each other. Your job is to protect each other. If you see another…” I’m always scolding them […] (I want them) to have values, and that they know how to help and be compassionate to others. (Mexican parent of two children, 3019)

These reflections illustrate how home visiting provides a consistent space where parents can not only focus on their children’s healthy development but also envision their children’s future resilience, success, and connection to their cultural identity. Through this process, families move beyond a focus on survival and can co-create a future that merges their cultural heritage, American values, and newfound opportunities.

Community Integration

Navigating Services and Daily Life

Refugee and immigrant families discussed ongoing challenges to navigating unfamiliar services and systems, including education, healthcare, public assistance, and other social services. Language barriers and limited knowledge about available resources, and how to access them hindered families’ ability to engage fully with needed supports. Resettled families discussed the process of weighing expectations and realities from both host and home cultures. Home visitors often served as witnesses in this process, offering comfort, validation, and reassurance as parents negotiated cultural preservation with integration.

One Afghan parent of two children (3013) identified language barriers that kept her from navigating her community confidently: “the main thing was English, but the second thing was [traveling] around the city or to find the grocery store or [a] Walgreens.” Similarly, another shared: “the first years were hard for me to adapt to the language, not knowing anything. And with my first daughter I didn’t know these things, not even the places to take the baby” (Mexican parent of two children, 3019).

Several parents highlighted the heavy load of competing priorities necessary for family stability, where home visitors played a key supportive role: “People deal with finances, clothes, food, child care, transportation, translations. There’s a lot of things that [need to be] dealt with” (Guatemalan parent of one child, 3003). Parents reported that even simple tasks, like opening and reading mail, often required basic orientation and support from their home visitor: “They also [help] me with [mail] because we are less education (sic.), so we don’t know the mail… they help me with… reading” (Burmese parent of two children, 3018). Challenges were not limited to recent arrivals either; parents who had been in the country for years reported similar struggles. As one parent reflected, “I’ve been living in [city] for four years… but I feel like there’s more [resources] out there… it’s hard to know what you need if you don’t know what’s out there” (Mexican parent of one child, 3017). In such instances, the home visitor served a critical resource to bridge families to their communities in tangible ways. As one parent described, “I didn’t know that [the home visitor] could accompany me to… the doctor’s appointments… She can take me to and pick me up from groups”(Mexican parent of two children, 3005).

School Readiness

Many parents discussed the importance of a U.S. education for their children as this privilege was often denied or difficult to access in home countries. Ensuring young children develop the necessary skills to begin school ready to learn was a priority: “First thing is education for the kids… make sure they are learning properly and then everything will be fine with them while [they are] growing up in [this] country” (Hatian parent of two children, 3015). Amidst their educational aspirations for their children, parents found navigating complex education systems to be a significant source of stress leaning on home visitors for support: “My daughter is very willing to go to the preschool. So I really want someone to help her to register on the preschool program” (Afghan parent of two children, 3013).

Families expressed feeling special gratitude for the help home visitors provided them navigating early childhood schooling and helping their children prepare for formalized schooling. A Honduran parent of two children (3001) stated: “I made certain decisions regarding [my son] that she advised me on, like choosing Head Start for him or choosing the [city] school. She gave me a lot of advice. She told me what is good here and what is good there and guided me a lot.” Notably, this parent felt she was provided with information regarding the benefits about two styles of pre-schooling and was ultimately empowered to make the decision that felt best for her family.

Additionally, parents discussed ways in which their home visitors reminded them about the many opportunities to support learning via exposure to language and math. Parents reported that they saw benefits to reading and talking with their children or counting aloud. Some parents even reported other people in their lives observed growth in their children in these areas following their participation in home visiting. A mother from Uganda explained:

“…they encourage you to read for your child. So whenever, whenever like, I’ve I’ve back sled on not reading for my child. Oh, I remember. Oh, my home visitor tells me to like, you know. Read for my child. So that’s what I really love about it -- it gives me like a wake up call. …cause, sometimes as a parent, you may be taken over by your, you know, own daily things and then forget about the child.” (Ugandan parent of two children, 3004).

This parent further expressed that their home visitor offered hands-on support with enrollment, including identifying appropriate schools, completing forms, and facilitating communication with school personnel, which made a complex process less overwhelming.

“[My home visitor] helped us, you know, figure out a different school, and then [my home visitor] … took the forms and then submitted them for us, and then the school reached out to us… I don’t think we’d be able to do it [alone] …And that very same week [the school was] already contacting us.” (Ugandan parent of two children, 3004).

Building Independence, Connections, and Belonging

Families desired tools to independently navigate communities, build self-reliance, and form meaningful connections in their new community. As home visitors scaffolded skills to help families navigate new systems, they created room for greater connection with others. One parent from Mexico reflected on the value of feeling more integrated in her community stating: “The program, they invited us to parks. They give ideas for activities, they tell you where you can go to get things—toys, everything…they told me you can borrow books for free…it’s helped me a lot to know new places and to know where to go when I need something” (Mexican parent of two children, 3019). Another participant from Mexico explained that the resources she learned about through home visiting amplified the number of programs she participated in, which allowed her to be a support to other mothers experiencing similar challenges to her. She explained: “Because there are programs where we are with other moms. For example, when you just recently have a baby, sometimes emotionally, you [are] down, and I really like this program because the teacher tells me, there is a massage class for babies, and you can share it with other moms that maybe feel like you…so you don’t have to feel like you’re alone” (Mexican parent of one child, 3020). These remarks highlight the opportunity for home visitors and their respective programs to help resettled families feel welcome in their communities, an essential part of promoting adjustment and continued community-building for new and long-standing immigrant families.

Discussion

This study sought to understand the needs of resettled families with young children enrolled in a home visiting program as well as the program elements most relevant to their wellbeing and integration to the United States. Findings show that early childhood home visiting impacts integration at the parenting and community level, and improves refugee and immigrant parents’ well-being and their capacity to support their children’s adjustment. Few home visiting studies have explored themes of loss, healing, and belonging, or how home visiting helps resettled families imagine new futures during a time of profound transition (Paris, 2008); themes explored in the study. By focusing on how support services contributed to the process of family integration, the study highlights how home visiting fostered meaningful transition and empowered families to navigate and redefine their roles in new cultural and social context.

Early childhood home visiting programs are uniquely positioned to provide a critical ecological support layer that fosters child development and family integration into U.S. social structures. As the parent narratives demonstrate and the literature affirms, home visiting was an entry point for families to engage with broader systems, offering diverse families material resources, parenting guidance, and emotional support, which can help buffer resettlement stressors, enhance cultural and psychosocial adaptation, and facilitate integration into broader social systems (Hilado et al., 2025; Sandstrom et al., 2022). Given that home visiting aims to strengthen the parent–child relationship while promoting social connection, the approach aligns with resource-based models of immigrant and refugee adjustment.

These models emphasize the role of existing strengths (e.g., parental capacities, social networks, and community resources, etc.) in supporting family wellbeing during resettlement (Ryan et al., 2008). Narrative data provided by parents evidenced that home visiting met multigenerational needs, and left families feeling supported, and equipped with a trusted home visitor who could serve as a cultural broker. Home visitors provided information about resource navigation, supported parents in reconceptualizing their child’s future within a new community context perceived to offer greater opportunities, and helped expand parents’ understanding of caregiving in that context. Echoing well-established literature, social support, community connection and care promote family adjustment and overall family well-being for resettled parents (UNHCR, 2024).

One of the most striking findings was the evolving nature of parenting among resettled families. Many parents described how, over time, they were able to adapt certain culturally-bound practices and expectations, embracing new approaches to parenting that may not have been possible in their countries of origin. While navigating the differences between home and U.S. cultural contexts sometimes brought tensions (Moinolmolki et al., 2020), parents largely welcomed the opportunity to rethink and reshape their parenting styles. Exposure to child development concepts and greater access to community resources played a key role in this transformation (Hilado et al., 2025; Matthiesen, 2019). For example, parents discussed the importance of children developing resilience through struggle, a perspective shaped by their own migration experiences. Thus, the challenge of learning a new language could be reconceptualized as a formative experience essential to cultivating their child’s strength and independence. At the same time, mothers could open themselves up to experiences like receiving child rearing help from their husbands, or engaging more purposefully in reading and play with their children—experiences which brought increased joy and ease, but had not been culturally sanctioned in their home countries. This realization helped families make meaning of their resettlement journeys; the pain and hardships of the migration journey were understood as alongside newfound hope they were actively working to instill in the next generation.

Resettled families are not solely defined by experiences of trauma or displacement as reflected in the present study. They also bring with them significant hope, resilience, and a desire to build stable and meaningful lives in their new communities. Families in the present study actively pursued resources that would support their independence and self-sufficiency. Home visiting programs were leveraged in this context as a short-term support mechanism during an early phase of resettlement, critical for navigating novel systems and forming new connections in their host communities. These services helped lay the groundwork for families to establish stability on their own terms.

Limitations and Implications

The present study centered on the perspectives of immigrant and refugee parents from diverse countries of origin representing eight languages. The diverse representation of refugee and immigrant parents is a strength, as most literature on the experience of parenthood in immigrant communities focuses primarily on families from Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa (Merry et al., 2017). At the same time, the linguistic diversity of the sample introduced methodological challenges. Participants who were not English-speaking were interviewed by either a language-concordant home, or with the assistance of an uncredentialed interpreter. In addition, all transcripts were translated into English before coding. Although efforts were made to preserve the accuracy of narrative data across languages, both interpretation and translation are inherently interpretive processes (van Nes et al., 2010). Thus, non-English transcripts may have been more susceptible to researcher influence. Future studies endeavoring to include multilingual participants may consider budgeting for certified interpreter and translators (Squires, 2009) to strengthen the rigor and trustworthiness of data across all languages represented.

Finally, the present study was a secondary analysis. The consistency of themes across participants suggests that data saturation was likely achieved. However, because this secondary analysis occurred after data collection had concluded, we did not have the flexibility to iteratively collect additional data, and we cannot guarantee that saturation occurred (Cheong et al., 2023). The average number of years families were engaged in home visiting across the parent sample was 2.4 years and based on participant data from 15 of the 16 parents. Our use of structured interviews, and the fact that participants had engaged in home visiting for extended periods, therefore brought substantial experience to their accounts further mitigate concerns about saturation (Squire et al., 2024). Despite these limitations, this study offers valuable insights into the experiences of refugee and immigrant parents as they navigate resettlement. Findings suggest that home visiting programs can serve as a safe and supportive space for parents to actively explore and broaden their perspectives on parenting and redefine their parenting identities, setting families on a path toward stability, growth, and well-being.

Conclusion

Responsive early childhood home visiting programs remain a promising approach to supporting resettlement and integration. Home visiting mitigates access barriers by delivering services in the home, fostering trust, and reducing the stress associated with navigating unfamiliar systems (Hilado et al., 2025). Home visiting also offers several components essential for the reciprocal integration of resettled families (Anger & Strang, 2008), particularly the provision of culturally responsive care and relational safety from home visitors, which together empower families to improve their health, employment, and educational outcomes. This integrated framework positions home visiting as a bi-directional relational and systemic tool for fostering adjustment, resilience, and integration across multiple ecological levels of influence. It positions home visiting as a bridge between the intimate world of family caregiving and the broader community systems of support that are critical for successful resettlement and thriving in a new cultural context. Resettled families balance the loss of social networks and cultural underpinnings during migration with opportunities for broadening perspectives and areas of learning unavailable in their countries of origin. The present findings demonstrate that home visitors influence parental and community integration by attending to child development, parenting, and social support in culturally diverse communities.